ADDRESS BY H.E.MR. INDER KUMAR GUJRAL PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC
OF INDIA TO THE 52 ND SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
24th SEPTEMBER, 1997.

Mr. President,

It is a particular pleasure for me to see you presiding over this General Assembly. As
Ambassador in the former Soviet Union for five years, I have had a long association with the
Ukraine, and I retain the fondest memories of my several visits to your beautiful country. You
preside over an Assembly that will deliberate on crucial issues before the world community
on which your experience and guidance will be invaluable. I would also like to congratulate
your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, on the engagement with which he acted during
his presidency to carry our work forward.

We are celebrating in India the fiftieth anniversary of our emergence as a free nation. The
constitutional moorings and democratic forms, which the new nation-state has accepted and
adopted, rest on the vast foundation of civilisational experience and ethos. This explains the
stability, coherence and creative unity of the vast Indian society, that is a world in itself. The
experience has wrought in us the deep conviction that, while there are universally shared
values and striving, there can be no rigid prescriptions. We see the United Nations in this
image, as a crucible in which we melt together our individual contributions to a world
civilisation, yet in recognition of the variety of historical and cultural experience we bring to
it.

The Cold War cast an early shadow on the Organisation, creating a situation of ideological
polarisation. The Non-aligned Movement rejected this imposition of rigidity, representing an
independent and responsible alternative world view. This still remains so, and NAM retains
its validity and relevance, even after the disappearance of block rivalries. Nonalignment was
not a by-product of the cold war. Then, it expressed the overwhelming need of previously
colonised and dis-empowered nations to a voice a perspective and an agenda in a politically
and economically unequal and inequitous world. Today, it remains a voice of reason and
constructive engagement for the times ahead, which demand common purpose and contribution
from all sides towards a convergence of intent on vital, even fateful, global concerns.

Mr. President,

Since the creation of the UN Charter, the world should have changed far more than it has in the
half century that has elapsed. Decolonisation is almost complete, but the scars of colonisation
are still with us. The present bears a heavy burden of the past. South Africa is free, but racism
rears its ugly head amidst us, often laced with xenophobia. Development and growth - - and
even human dignity - remain for much of the world a distant dream. We must insistently ask
ourselves what we can decisively do at the United Nations to make the dreams of the hundreds
of millions come true? How can we make the United Nations a more vibrant Organisation for
the world community as a whole, at a time when we need it more than we ever have, a United
Nations that is better equipped to fully responding to the challenges of the next century?

As an Organisation, the United Nations must also evolve and adapt itself to a rapidly changing
environment, the better to serve the core needs of the world community. As a country which
places very great store on the UN's capacity to contribute to international peace and security,
and to development, the two crucial priorities before the world community, India, like others,
has a vital interest in a UN that continually makes itself more responsive to the needs of its
member states, and prepares itself to serve them better. This, we believe, is the objective of
reform. We are hence very pleased that the Secretary General, immediately after taking office,
made reform one of his priorities and we congratulate him for this commitment. Within the first
seven months of his tenure, he has produced a series of proposals of impressive breadth and
scope. These are before us, and many have described this session as a reform General
Assembly.

We judge the agenda for reform by the measure I have described. We are supportive of all
proposals that, in our view, will carry forward, or improve, the Secretariat's ability to
respond to the mandates of the international community. We will express our thoughts
constructively with the aim of strengthening the process and direction of reform to the
collective advantage of the global community and the Organisation which represents it. We do
not see reform simply as an exercise to tri-in the budget of the UN. Instead, reforms should
contribute towards a strengthened UN and its capacity to respond effectively to the priorities
identified by the overwhelming majority of its membership.

The crisis that confronts the UN manifests itself in many ways. A financial crisis has resulted
from the inability of some to fulfil their Charter commitments, and from the laying down of
preconditions to meet them. The UN does not have the means to execute progranunes that
respond to the felt needs and priorities of its membership, precisely at a time when these are
sorely needed. As a result, the UN is in danger of being marginalised as the global forum
where decisions can be taken that truly respond to the challenges of globalisation. The solution
lies not in piecemeal reform, but in building trust between nations, and an acceptance that in
international relations democratic principles should be the norm, as much as they are
increasingly accepted in national governance.

Mr. President, in our view, international peace and security and development are inextricably
linked. The one is impossible to achieve without the other. Over the last six or seven years,
there has been a growing emphasis on the political aspects of the tasks of development, such
as democracy and human rights. Unless the underlying causes ofunderdevelopment, poverty
and social alienation are effectively addressed and removed, this emphasis will remain
unrealised. Therefore, the single most important target that the United Nations should set itself
is the promotion of sustained economic growth in developing countries that will lead to the
eradication of poverty, and erase the tensions and pressures that have led to the collapse of
governance and social order in several states, and to conflicts between others. International
peace and stability will be enhanced only when all countries enjoy a minimum standard of
economic self-sufficiency and well-being. Therefore, we believe that the thrust of any reform
proposals in the UN should make the promotion of sustained economic development the
principal cross-sectoral issue for the Secretariat's programmes. We believe that there are
enough intergovernmental mandates to permit the Secretariat to tailor progranunes towards this
end.

The universality of human rights, to which we all committed ourselves almost five years ago at
Vienna, expresses itself at one level in the international norms for the promotion and
protection of human rights, and our collective efforts to foster respect for these standards. At a
deeper plane, this universality stems from the search in different civilisations for ways of
protecting the human dignity of every individual. Next year, as we celebrate the 50th
Anniversary of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, we will reflect whether the ideals
enshrined in the Declaration have become a reality for people in all parts of the world. As we
do so, we must build confidence in a process that encourages introspection and self-criticism,
dialogue and consultation rather than confrontation and judgement. The Declaration calls for
the "advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and
freedom from fear and want as the highest aspiration of the common people. " It recognises the
importance of economic, social and cultural rights as well as their inter-dependence with civil
and political rights. Full realisation of all these rights is what will give true meaning to the
quest for human dignity embodied in the Universal Declaration.

India's approach to the observance and promotion of human rights is inspired by the holistic
vision of the Universal Declaration and the Indian Constitution, both of which were drafted
close to each other. A strong institutional framework, mutually reinforcing safeguards, both
within and outside this framework, a policy of transparency and responsiveness to civil
society, and co-operation with the UN human rights system, in particular the treaty bodies, are
the main elements of this approach in the area of civil and political rights. Equally, if not more
important, are the assault on poverty and underdevelopment, promotion of awareness of rights
and a policy of affirmative action for the upliftment of socially and economically vulnerable
sections of society. This is a complex task, especially in a country of India's diversity, and
many times, when the State has faltered, civil society has stepped in. In India, as elsewhere,
individuals have wrought miracles by working outside established systems and going beyond
traditional modes of thought. In recent times, the most moving example is that of a frail,
sari-clad woman Mother Teresa - whose fathomless compassion and soothing touch would be
missed by millions in India. I would like to pay tribute to this apostle of mercy who rendered
service to millions of poor and suffering people not only in India but all over the world, and
brought them hope.

While development must be our supreme objective, to get there we also need peace, stability
and security. The dangers that threaten us have been, for the last fifty years,increasingly more
frightening than any that have cast their shadow over mankind in its entire history.
Development of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons has made it possible for a country
possessing these weapons to destroy whole populations. We have decided as an international
community to outlaw the production, possession or use of chemical and biological weapons.
However, on the weapons of mass destruction capable of total annihilation of human
civilisation, the global community has lived for too long on a diet of empty promises. The
pretexts for clinging to nuclear arsenals, which were questionable at any time, have now
vanished. Mere non-proliferation treaties, promoted as disarmament measures, only serve to
entrench a nuclear monopoly. No credible steps towards striving to realise a nuclear
weapon-free world are contemplated, much less taken, by those who should be showing the
way. No justifications can be preferred as during the Cold War. The patience of the world
community - expressed through the International Court of Justice, enlightened voices from
former believers of deterrence, political and general opinion, and weighty voluntary initiatives
- is starting to wear thin. Nuclear weapon powers owe it to the world to answer the question
why they need nuclear weapons. Global opinion wants a Nuclear Weapons Convention, as
already outlined for the class of biological and chemical weapons, and will not rest till it is
achieved. We appeal to nuclear weapon states to align their policies to what the world wants.
We see the United Nations as the forum in which the international community must continue to
demand universal nuclear disarmament, and we expect therefore that the Secretariat's
programmes will support this intergovernmental objective.

Under the Charter, the Security Council was constituted as a body on which the general
membership conferred primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and
security, acting on its behalf. In recent years, the Security Council has been able to pay a more
active role in discharging its responsibilities. However, there is often a perception that the
Council's actions have not always reflected the sentiments of the general membership. It is
imperative and time, therefore, that the Security Council take on, as permanent members,
developing countries equipped to make an important contribution with their world views,
historical experiences and civilisational values, so that the decisions of the Council truly
reflect the UN's wider membership. Otherwise, the Council's actions will be seen as
progressively less representative, precisely at a time when it is being called upon to act far
more frequently than before on behalf of the world community.

India has let it be known from 1995, in this General Assembly, that it is prepared to accept the
responsibilities of permanent membership. We are the largest democracy in the world, with
ancient civilisational values and attainments, and a world view based on a universalist
inspiration, participative governance, respect for diversity and pluralism, as well as readiness
for constructive engagement in the world's affairs. These strengths, we believe, would be an
asset to an expanded Security Council. India's standing as one of the leading economies in the
world will be progressively strengthened, and we are prepared to bear in full the
responsibilities of perman ent membership. India's long-standing participation in UN
peace-keeping operations testifies not only to the dedication and professionalism of the Indian
soldiers but also to the political will of the Government to actively contribute to these
operations.

Mr. President, at the core of our foreign policy is our keenness to pursue close ties, and build
confidence and co-operation with our neighbours, recognising fully that we arethe largest
country in the region, not only in terms of size and population, but also economic capabilities.
We extend our hand of friendship not in a spirit of mere reciprocity but in good faith. Where
we do expect reciprocity which is unrelated to size and capacity, is mutual respect for each
other's territorial integrity and sovereignty. We seek to advance cohesion, synergy and mutual
goodwill in our neighbourhood so that together we fully participate in and derive benefits from
the dynamic changes the world is currently witnessing. Our approach has contributed to the
setting in motion of a trend towards cooperation in our region.

As a large and diverse economy, we are developing new partnerships that go beyond the
region and revitalise the old cultural and commercial links. Politically, it is expressed in the
active interest that we have taken in supporting the Middle East peace process - our ties with
the Arab world reaching deep into history - and our strong fraternal ties with developing
countries in general and with Africa in particular. In our larger neighbourhood, with which we
have a shared history, we have enhanced our engagement with the ASEAN as a Full Dialogue
Partner and as a participant in the ASEAN Regional Forum. While maintaining our traditional
relationships with the United States, Russia, the European Union and Japan, we have also been
strengthening global trends in regional cooperation by actively promoting cooperation among
countries of the Indian Ocean Rim and trying to recover the cultural and commercial
connectivities that have existed since time immemorial and which were snapped in the
colonial era.

Mr. President, the global society is seeking to find an equilibrium between the opposing pulls
generated by the forces of globalisation, nationalism and sub-nationalism. Indeed, it is difficult
to see just how they can be balanced, yet they must be or else the potential for international
conflagration will be immense. Hence, the absolute need for extreme caution to prevent
established nation states from being destabilised either through too hasty a push towards
globalisation, or the pull of sub-national demands. We see this as a challenge which we will
have to face collectively as well as individually.

Aglobal menace that threatens international peace, and to which open democracies are
particularly vulnerable, is terrorism. It takes innocent lives indiscriminately, brings fear into
the lives of others, and shatters the peaceful existence and the normal growth of entire
communities. Terrorism should be anathema to the international community because it is the
antithesis of every ideal that the UN Charter enshrines. Its main vehicle is violence, its aim is
destruction rather than development, its doctrines are founded on intolerance, and in the means
it uses and the effect it has, it destroys human rights utterly. Incitement to terrorism, and
complicity and participation in terrorism across borders, undermine the international system.
And even though very few societies are free from its clutches, we still have not developed a
global strategy to defeat this evil. The resolve is absent. It is important that we find it, not least
because terrorism has a global web, spanning all continents, and quickly building links with
the other global menace of drugs. We in India see in our region just how deadly a poison this
mix of terrorism and drugs is. The United Nations should take the lead in determined global
action to root out these scourges.

Protection and preservation of the environment is an area to which all of us attach the highest
importance. The commitment for global partnership for preventing further degradation of the
environment, made at the Rio Summit in 1992, was reiterated and the need for effective
implementation of Agenda 21 reaffirmed, during the Special Session of the General Assembly
in June this year. All the elements of Agenda 21 have to be implemented in full and we need to
accelerate the process of such implementation. Any partial or non-comprehensive
implementation will be detrimental not only to international co-operation in this area, but also
to the threatened stability of the earth's fragile environment. In this connection, it is our hope
that the spirit of the convention on Climate Change and the Berlin Mandate will be fully
encompassed by the protocol or legal instrument to emerge from the Kyoto Conference to be
held in December, 1997.

What has been touched upon, Mr. President, represents huge challenges, beyond the capacity
of any country to face on its own. This is why it is so vital for the United Nations, now more
than ever before, to be a forum where we can pool creative ideas and lessons from our
experience, and to assist us in understanding and coping with these challenges. This is the
ultimate rationale of reform. We will be ready to work with other countries to rebuild the
United Nations in the image of our collective aspirations and as our trusted instrument to meet
the challenges of the approaching millennium.

Mr. President,

Addressing the 15th regular session of the General Assembly, India's first Prime Minister, Pt.
Jawaharlal Nehru, said in October 1960:

Quote: "The main purpose of the United Nations is to build up a world without war, a world
based on the co-operation of nations and peoples. It is not merely a world where war is kept
in check for a balancing of armed forces. It is much deeper than that. It is a world from which
the major causes of war have been removed and social structures built up which further
peaceful co-operation within a nation as well as between nations. " Unquote.

It is in this spirit that we should approach the tasks before us.

Thank you, Mr. President.

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