43th Session
17th Plenary Meeting, 4th October, 1988

Speech by Mr. P. V. Narasimha Rao

It gives me great pleasure that a distinguished son and eminent representative of a country with
which my country has close and cordial relations is presiding over the General Assembly at its
forty-third session. I extend to Ambassador Caputo our warm felicitations on his
well-deserved election. We are confident that with his exceptional ability and experience the
deliberations of the Assembly have already been assured success.

I should like also to place on record our deep appreciation for the effective leadership that his
predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, provided to the General Assembly during its forty- second
session.

In his report on the work of the Organization for 1988, the Secretary-General recalled that he
was cautiously optimistic that "the sails of the small boat in which all the people of the Earth
were gathered seemed to have caught a light but favourable winds. (A/43/1, p. 2)

I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the man who has played no mean role in the careful
and patient navigation by which the vessel has come within sight of large sections of the shore.
The Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has earned the admiration of all for his
patience, his skill, his understanding touch and his grasp of the larger questions as well as the
small details involved in the various issues dealt with by the United Nations.

The decision to confer the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding on our
Secretary-General was a tribute to his exceptional contribution to the cause of peace.

This year, 1988, has been the year of the United Nations. In the past few months the patient and
persistent diplomacy of the United Nations was capped with the signing of the Geneva
Agreements on Afghanistan, the entry into force of a cease-fire on the Iran-lraq border, the
renewal of intercommunal talks in Cyprus and the creation of an environment conducive to the
resolution of the problem of Western Sahara. Even those who tended to pass judgment on the
United Nations purely on the basis of the criteria of the maintenance of international peace and
security are happily acknowledging today that this is indeed an impressive record of which the
United Nations can be justifiably proud.

India welcomes this reaffirmation of faith in the United Nations. For an overwhelming
majority of members, support for the United Nations has always been an article of faith. The
universalisation of this support during 1988, which we applaud as we always did, will no
doubt strengthen the capacity of the Organization, not only with respect to preserving peace but
also, equally, to tackling other scourges facing humankind, such as poverty, hunger, ecological
degradation, terrorism and narcotics. We trust that the United Nations will be reinvigorated,
not only in political terms but also in terms of concrete financial support. Let the coming
decades be the decades of the United Nations. Let the all-round support which the United
Nations always deserved, but seems to have got this year, be always available to it hereafter.

India, along with the rest of the international community, rejoices in the transformation of the
international climate during the past year. We are indeed living through historic times. The
dramatic improvement in relations between the super- Powers, for which we salute the
leadership of the two countries, has had a positive impact throughout the world. History,
however, teaches us that good times, like bad times, do not normally last for ever. But one may
be forgiven on the present occasion for entertaining the belief that the principal players have
by now made a realistic assessment of the long-term interests of mankind, along with their
respective national interests, and that hence the current thaw may be more lasting than those of
the past.

The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, since its inception, has worked tirelessly precisely
for such a turn in the international climate. By taking principled positions on major issues of
our times and by refusing to get entangled in the confrontation of competing military alliances,
the non-aligned countries have helped in containing conflict, and have thus contributed to the
peace process which has always inhered in the minds of the millions, although it had been
rendered dormant and muted by the display of military might. Therefore, we the non-aligned
can claim part of the credit for the improved state of affairs. But along with claiming the credit
the Movement needs to redouble its efforts to make the peace process irreversible, no longer
vulnerable to the braking mechanisms which operated earlier owing to motivations too well
known to need recounting.

The new air of euphoria is totally understandable as it marks a welcome departure from the
intense and often bitter rivalry between the major Powers which at times brought the world to
the brink of a catastrophe. It seems to have been replaced now by healthy competition for
presenting proposals for strengthening peace, supporting the United Nations, saving the world
from ecological disaster, among others. It is true that this long-awaited spirit of change
unfortunately has not extended to the economic field. We would therefore be well-advised to
remain watchful and alert, while pursuing determined efforts to make the transformation to
peace final and all-pervasive so as to comprehend all facets of human life and activity on our
planet. While the primary responsibility would remain with the major Powers, the rest of us
and, of course, the United Nations, can and must play a very important role.

The ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range
Missiles-INF Treaty-by the United States and the Soviet Union was a historic first step which
must, within an agreed time-frame and in well-considered stages, lead to successive
reductions and eventual elimination of all nuclear weapons. While we are fully aware of the
complexities involved in disarmament negotiations, we find that political will has enabled the
experts to find satisfactory answers to what were projected as almost unresolvable difficulties
of adequate verification. Similar political will would be needed in solving the whole gamut of
disarmament questions, beginning with the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons by 50 per
cent, which has already been agreed upon.

Those steps, each important in itself, have to be viewed in the perspective of a comprehensive
scenario of total disarmament. Only thus do they make sense and become effective and
beneficial. At the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament in
June this year, my Prime Minister, Shri Rajiv Gandhi, put forward a comprehensive action
plan for the total elimination of all nuclear weapons by the year 2010. That action plan has
received appreciation in the Non-Aligned Movement, among other Governments as well as
non-governmental organizations. We put forward our proposal to give concrete shape to the
desire of a large segment of world public opinion for a time-bound action programme to
eliminate nuclear weapons. We should also take into account other related aspects including
verification.

With regard to verification, delegates will recall that the delegations of countries participating
in the six-nation initiative for peace and nuclear disarmament presented a concrete proposal at
the third special session on disarmament: the endorsement, in principle, of an international
verification agency within the United Nations. It is the intention of the six countries to revive
this initiative at this session of the General Assembly.

The linkage between disarmament and development is by now well-recognized. Hardly
anyone can dispute the proposition that the resources being spent on armaments could be more
profitably employed in peaceful developmental activities. The decisions taken by the United
Nations Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, held last
year, need to be followed up and acted upon.

Regional conflicts have dominated discussions at the current session of the General Assembly.
This is perfectly understandable. Success in achieving breakthroughs in most of these conflicts
is attributed, and justifiably so, to the patient diplomacy of the United Nations, as well as to
the rapprochement between the two super-Powers. There is, perhaps, a lesson for all of us in
this, particularly for the non-aligned and developing countries. If the tendency to seek massive
external military assistance and to pursue dangerous nuclear weapon policies in the illusory
hope of strengthening one's bargaining position with one's neighbours were resisted, there
would be fewer regional conflicts and consequently less dependence on outside Powers for
the solution of such conflicts.

India rejoiced at the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq which came into effect on 20 August,
1988. Thanks to the statesmanship of the leaders of the two countries and to the efforts of the
Secretary-General, the international community has been spared witnessing the eighth
anniversary of the war. The ceasefire is an important first step and must be consolidated. The
negotiations between the two countries currently under way, under United Nations auspices,
must be pursued. The issues involved are complex and highly emotional for both sides. India
has been involved in discussing the issues in detail with the two countries as part of the efforts
of the Non-Aligned Movement. That experience makes me feel confident that the issues, though
complex, will eventually be solved. India has the closest of ties with Iran and Iraq, and we
know that the two countries are anxious to get on with the stupendous task of reconstruction.

My country rejoices at the release of the Indian national, Mr. Mithileshwar Singh.We hope that
all the other hostages will also be freed and reunited with their familities at an early date.

India has welcomed the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan. We have had historical ties of deep
friendship with the people of Afghanistan. The Geneva Accords have established a framework
which would enable the Afghan people to decide on their future free from foreign interference
or intervention. While the withdrawal of Soviet troops has proceeded on schedule, we are
greatly perturbed at persistent reports of violations of the Geneva Accords and hope that they
will be implemented faithfully by all the parties. In addition to restoring peace and stability to
the region, the implementation of the Geneva Accords would also remove the ostensible cause
for introduction of sophisticated arms into the area.

While positive developments have taken place in the Gulf as well as in Afghanistan, the
continued great-Power naval presence in the Indian Ocean remains a factor contributing to
tension and instability. We reiterate our call for the withdrawal of all military forces of
outside Powers from the Indian Ocean so that it can emerge as a zone of peace.

There is more than a glimmer of hope for the resolution of the conflict situation in South-East
Asia. The horrors suffered by the people of Kampuchea in the 1 970s must not be allowed to
revisit them ever. The dialogue at the Jakarta Informal Meeting was a welcome beginning,
which we appreciate. We also applaud the initiative of the Chairman of the Non-Aligned
Movement to explore ways and means in which the Movement can assist the efforts to solve
the Kampuchean problem. Given India's historical ties with the peoples of South-East Asia,
we are ready and willing to contribute in whatever way we can to this process.

In our neighborhood, we have watched with growing concern the trials and tribulations faced
by the people of Burma, with whom the people of India are bound by close ties of history and
culture. India has always scrupulously avoided interfering in the internal affairs of other
countries. However, we cannot but sympathize with democratic aspirations. We are saddened
by the growing number of innocent dead in Burma. We hope that a way will be found to end
this tragic conflict as soon as possible.

There is renewed belief that the long-delayed solution to the Namibian question is at hand.
Responsibility for the delay rests squarely with the South African Government, which has,
with impunity, refused to comply with its international commitments and obligations. The
world community is committed to the emancipation of the Namibian people engaged in a
historic struggle for freedom under the leadership of the South West African People's
Organization (SWAPO), their sole and authentic representative. India was the first country to
accord diplomatic recognition to the representative of SWAPO. We look forward to
welcoming Namibia as the 160th Member of the United Nations at the General Assembly
session next year.

While there is movement on the question of Namibia, the situation in South Africa itself shows
no sign of improvement. The racist Pretoria regime continues its reign of terror, subjecting the
people of South Africa to the most inhuman forms of oppression.

The evil system of apartheid cannot be reformed; it has to be abolished in toto. South Africa
must open a dialogue with the genuine representatives of the oppressed people. Nelson
Mandela, the universal symbol of courage and fortitude, whose state of health is a cause of
concern to all of us, must be released immediately and unconditionally. Effective pressure in
the form of comprehensive mandatory sanctions must be applied, without invoking
unconvincing arguments regarding their effect on employment of the oppressed people, and so
on.

The Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid (AFRICA) Fund, established by
the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, has received pledges and contributions from a third
of the world community. Described at the recent meeting of the non-aligned in Nicosia,
Cyprus, as an instance of the Movement's capacity for collective action, the Fund demonstrates
an international commitment to the front-line States and liberation movements of southern
Africa transcending geographical or political barriers.

The international community should be opposed totracial discrimination no matter where it is
practised. Last year my delegation referred to the unfortunate developments in Fiji, which had
distinct racial overtones. We hoped that the groundswell of international public opinion would
help restore the spirit of trust, harmony and concord which had prevailed in Fiji since its
independence. As a member of the United Nations and as a member of its Committee on
decolonisation, India had been in the forefront in the fight for Fiji's independence. It is a matter
of great regret to us that the situation in Fiji has considerably deteriorated during the past year.
There are clear indications that an attempt is being made to institutionalise racial
discrimination in Fiji. We understand that there is to be a process of consultation with the
various communities before the draft constitution is finalized. We hope that this process will
enable all sections of the people to participate in it in a non-discriminatory manner. There was
a time when Fiji used to be described as "what the world should be like". The racial harmony,
peace and tranquillity in Fiji used to be a model for the world to follow. We hope that Fiji
will return soon to those harmonious times.

India's support of the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people has its roots in our
own struggle against colonial rule. Many changes have taken place in the region. What has
remained constant, however, is the determination of the Palestinian people. The message of
intifadah to the world is unambiguous: 20 years of occupation have utterly failed to suppress
the fierce nationalism of the Palestinian people. It should also have made it clear to the world,
including Israel, that territories illegally occupied cannot be retained for ever. Israel must
withdraw from the territories it has occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem. We reiterate
the call for the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, with the
participation of all the parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), on an
equal footing. Such a conference, we believe, should facilitate the establishment of an
independent homeland for the Palestinians and the creation of conditions in which all the
States in the region can live within secure and recognized boundaries.

India has always supported the aspirations of the people of Cyprus to live together in an
independent and non-aligned country, with its territorial integrity intact. We deeply appreciate
the resumption of dialogue between the two communities under the auspices of the united
Nations Secretary-General. We urge both sides to spare no effort to find a solution to the
problem within the time-limit envisaged by the Secretary-General.

Similarly, we are heartened by the acceptance by the two sides concerned of the
Secretary-General's proposals for finding a solution to the problem of Western Sahara. Here
again, we hope that this question will be resolved satisfactorily so that the people of the
Territory, as well as other countries in the Maghreb, can live in peace and co- operation with
one another.

In the Korean peninsula, which unhappily remains divided, there is an overwhelming sentiment
in favour of peace, reconciliation and dialogue. We hope the aspirations of its people to
peaceful reunification will find early fulfilment.

This year marks the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The
Declaration, which furnishes the philosophical basis for the human rights work of the United
Nations, is of seminal importance. Like the Charter itself, it points to the interdependence of
human rights, social and economic progress and international peace and security. Over the past
four decades, the concepts embodied in the Declaration have been developed and enriched,
particularly with regard to economic, social and cultural rights. It remains our firm belief that
the inherent dignity of the human person requires full respect for his civil and political rights
and, equally, for his economic, social and cultural rights. there have been encouraging
developments recently in the political sphere, the outlook in the area of international economic
co-operation remains bleak. The low rates of growth of world trade and output in recent years
will not suffice to resolve any of the major problems facing the world economy. In the
industrialized countries high rates of unemployment persist, making it difficult for them to
undertake the structural adjustments that are necessary in the long term. The major imbalance,
with its attendant uncertainties, continues to persist. For the developing countries the outlook
is even worse. Inadequate resource flow, deteriorating terms of trade and the heavy burden of
external debt have all but halted the development process of these countries. They have
retarded attempts to address the fundamental problem of poverty and deprivation. The 1980s
are being characterised as the lost decade of development.

The policies of the major developed countries constitute the essential determinants of the
external environment for the developing countries. There has been no coherent and considered
effort to fashion these policies on the basis of co- operative international action, taking into
account their impact and consequences for the developing countries. Here it is useful to recall
the proposals made by the developing countries for removing the structural deficiencies and
fundamental failings of the international monetary, financial and trading systems. The
underlying structural and systemic problems of the world economy have to be addressed by
deliberate and co-operative international action that gives full recognition to global
interdependence. Both the developed and the developing countries need to pursue convergent
and mutually reinforcing policies in the interrelated areas of trade, money and finance.

The area of international trade is being increasingly characterised by an erosion of the
accepted rules and regulations and by reliance on unilateral discriminatory action. Despite
repeated affirmation of commitments on standstill and rollback, protectionism continues to
grow unabated. Protectionist measures are imposed in those areas where the developing
countries have demonstrated their competitiveness and made investments for structural
reforms. There has been little progress so far in the ongoing Uruguay Round on multilateral
trade negotiations in areas of direct interest to the developing countries, such as safeguards,
textiles, agriculture and tropical products. The Uruguay Round should provide an important
opportunity for strengthening and preserving the multilateral trading system. It should also help
to reduce the tensions and distortions that characterize the world trade system.

The proposals made in the new areas in the Uruguay Round have to be consistent with the right
of developing countries to manage their economies in accordance with their national
objectives and priorities, to regulate activities of transnational corporations and to channel
investment into those desired sectors of their economies. Such proposals should promote the
autonomous and self-reliant development of those countries. Another area of concern is the
stagnation or decline, in real terms, of resource flows to developing countries.

The international financial system has failed to ensure the transfer of adequate resources on
proper terms and conditions to developing countries and thus provide adequate financing for
development activities. The alleviation of the current development crisis requires a more
effective system that will guarantee an increasing flow of resources, in particular official
development assistance resources, to developing countries and also guarantee access by
international monetary and financial institutions to adequate resources.

Let us collectively recognize the need to evolve a more broad-based system for managing the
world economy that reflects the interests of all groups of countries and provides an equitable
and harmonious basis for the collective management of global interdependence. The seventh
session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was a small step in this
direction. In the coming days we must make use of other opportunities for building a renewed
consensus on development directed against the global problem of hunger and poverty. The
formulation and elaboration of an international development strategy for the Fourth United
Nations Development Decade provides one such opportunity.

The virtual paralysis of the North-South dialogue makes it all the more important for the
developing countries to redouble their efforts at promoting collective self-reliance through the
economic co-operation among developing countries. It has become imperative for developing
countries to build on complementarities in their economies. In this respect the conclusion in
Belgrade earlier this year of the Agreement on the Global System of Trade Preferences was a
significant achievement. It laid down for the first time among the signatory developing
countries the legal and institutional foundation for trade expansion.

In our own region the formation of the South Asian Association of Regional Co- operation has
provided a framework for wide-ranging economic and technical co-operation. Specific areas
of mutually beneficial co-operation have been identified and practical measures are being
implemented by member States.

One is, however constrained to note that economic co-operation among developing countries
has developed only partially and its full potential remains unexplored. What is needed is a
hard look at concrete programmes to address, in the first instance and in the main, the
elementary human needs of a large chunk of humanity. In these areas it is possible to make a
better impact than has happened so far.

During the current year many developing countries have been hit by natural disasters requiring
urgent international relief operations. Large areas in Africa have been afflicted by prolonged
drought. Jamaica has been devastated by a hurricane of unprecedented magnitude, and Sudan
by floods. Our own region, South Asia, has witnessed widespread havoc caused by floods,
above all in Bangladesh, though we too have not been spared the ravages of floods. It was our
privilege, as a friendly neighbour, to be the first to go to the assistance of the people of
Bangladesh in response to an appeal from the Government of Bangladesh. A task force of
experts from Bangladesh and India has been set up to study the Ganga and Brahmaputra waters
jointly for flood management and the water flow thereof.

Over the past two decades, drug abuse and illicit trafficking in drugs have assumed
proportions of a major global problem, not only affecting consumers but also posing serious
problems for transit States. We hope that the Plenipotentiary Conference scheduled to convene
in Vienna later this year in order to finalize a draft convention on this question will meet with
success.

The United Nations is dedicated to the pursuit of the twin goals of peace and development. It
can claim credit for significant achievements in both these spheres, and in particular in recent
months we have seen encouraging progress in the resolution of complex political issues. But in
the sphere of economic and social development, its major successes belong to past decades;
its achievements recently have been relatively modest. We must renew our commitment to the
eradication of the evils of poverty, disease and illiteracy through concerted international
action. This is a struggle that must be waged in common by all humankind. As Jawaharlal
Nehru told the Assembly in 1963, "The only war we want is a war against poverty and disease
and its brood".

Many centuries ago India's sages gave the call: "Let us move, together. Let us talk, together.
Let us be of single common mind."

The renewed sense of community witnessed in the United Nations today gives hope that over
the coming year, in time for its forty-fourth session, the world body can set before itself a
viable specific agenda for the 1990s that would help render our planet ready for the century
drawing in upon it. Such an agenda must assess and chart the means of fulfilment of the
minimum needs of man. The world, as Mahatma Gandhi put it, has enough to fulfil man's need,
but not his greed. This distinction between need and greed becomes all the more real and
crucial at a time when geo-environmental, geo-economic and geo-political imperatives have to
be fully harmonized in the interest of survival. Runaway desires of imprudent humans must be
tailored so as to be compatible with the capacity to fulfil them. If we collectively determine to
do that, this forum, the United Nations, is the place where we must begin, for the United
Nations is as strong, and only as strong, as the will of its Members.

And when we talk of Members, let us not forget that behind the Member States represented in
this Assembly are the men and women of the world. It is they who give this Organization its
flesh and its blood and should therefore legitimately dictate its aspirations and efforts. Their
control over rulers who fail short of or go beyond their mandate is not as palpable as it should
be, but that is part of man's constant aspiration, which the United Nations needs to be inspired
by in order to give effective voice to the millions who cannot speak for themselves.

The United Nations should thus promote the ascendancy of peoples, translating into reality the
relationships which the peoples would wish to have among themselves.

Invested with a popular dimension, rooted in a time when the process of peace can be
rendered irreversible and man's scarce energies given a chance to better his own being, this is
the moment for the United Nations which should endure until the mission for humanity is
completed. We must not fail.

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