40th Session
10th Plenary Meeting, 26th September, 1985

Speech by Mr. Khurshid Alam Khan

Sir, I should like to begin by congratulating you on your unanimous election to the
presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at the fortieth session. You are
a distinguished son and eminent representative of a country with which India has
close and cordial relations, and your association with the United Nations goes back
many years. We are confident that you will provide this Assembly with able
stewardship.

I should also like to place on record our appreciation of the effective and
statesmanlike leadership given to the Assembly at the thirty-ninth session by your
predecessor, Mr. Lusaka of Zambia.

I wish also to pay a tribute to our Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in the
cause of peace and for his patience, perseverance and wisdom. He has won our
admiration for his skilful handling of several crisis situations. We wish him
continued success and reiterate to him our support.

Before proceeding further, allow me to express on behalf of the people and
Government of India our profound grief at the heavy toll in human and material
terms claimed by the earthquakes which so tragically struck Mexico last week. We
express our solidarity with and support for the people and Government of Mexico
in their hour of travail and in their heroic efforts to overcome this unprecedented
calamity.

Mr. President, you preside today over a historic session. The United Nations has
completed 40 years of its existence. These have been years not only of tribulation
but also of promise and even achievement. The world is surcharged with suspicion
and uncertainty, with incipient as well as overt conflict, but the ideals of the
United Nations continue to instil optimism. The dawn of independence and
freedom for the overwhelming majority of mankind, particularly in the erstwhile
colonial and imperial domains in Asia, Africa and Latin America has been a
significant and welcome development of our times.

The generation that launched the United Nations also saw the launching of the
nuclear age. While conventional attitudes towards this world organisation are still
shaped by the memories of the Second World War, there is today a new spectre
that haunts our civilisation, the spectre of a nuclear catastrophe. Hostile military
blocs are poised against each other with an armada of nuclear weaponry that
could wipe out all life on this planet many times over. Survival in this nuclear age
has become the key issue of our times.

The United Nations today is the hub of diplomatic activity for the nations of the
world. Whatever their divergence in political systems, economic structures or
cultural mores, they come together in almost daily contact on a variety of
bilateral, multilateral and global issues. Yet this so-called democratisation of
international relations is only part of the story. On the other hand, the pressures
and divisions that characterise contemporary international relations seriously
hamper the Organization and reduce its capacity for effective action. As
Jawaharlal Nehru stated at the United Nations as early as 1948:

"We have got into a cycle of hatred and violence, and not the most brilliant debate
will get you out of it, unless you look some other way and find some other means.
It is obvious that if you continue in this cycle and have wars which this Assembly
was specially meant to avoid and prevent, the result will be not only tremendous
devastation all over the world, but the non-achievement by any individual Power
or group of its objective."

In his thought-provoking report on the work of the Organization, the
Secretary-General has very aptly characterised the United Nations as an essential
element in the historic choice before humanity-between a world of technological
promise and one of potentially terminal danger. He has rightly stressed the need to
strengthen the concept of international authority embodied in the United Nations
as one that should serve as a substitute for "unilateral action, exclusive alliances
and spheres of influence". His specific suggestions deserve careful study and
reasoned application.

We in India and in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries believe that the United
Nations represents, in a real sense, the best hope of mankind. As the late Prime
Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, stated in her address to the United Nations General
Assembly at its thirty- eighth session, "Firm faith in the United Nations is central to
the non-alignedn. (A/38/pv.9, p.3) Our affinity for the United Nations is rooted in
our world view. We cherish peace. We believe in the equality, sovereignty and
independence of States. We have a fundamental conviction in the dignity and
worth of the human person. The United Nations embodies in itself these lofty
principles and more. It constitutes a unique international forum where nations can
resolve their differences and work together for the common good of humanity.

Throughout the years of India's freedom struggle, our leaders viewed independence
not in narrow national terms but as part of the struggle of oppressed peoples
everywhere for justice-political, social and economic. Following India's attainment
of independence in 1947, our democratic institutions have stabilized and given to
our people a deep sense of participation and commitment in determining the
nation's priorities in the political and economic fields, as well as in the building up
of its social and cultural ethos. In our international relationships, the commitment
to the policy of non-alignment has been both instinctive and inevitable. As the
Prime Minister of India, Mr. Rajiv Gandhi, has stated:

"We have inherited a well-tested and consistent foreign policy which serves our
national interest. We have always believed in working for peace. Our policy is to
be friends with all countries on the basis of reciprocity and mutual benefit. Our
commitment to non-alignment and a new world economic order based on justice
means a total dedication to the twin causes of peace and development. We also
believe in safeguarding the independence of States and upholding the principles of
non-interference and non-intervention."*

Only a few weeks ago we marked the fortieth anniversary of the dropping of the
first nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Memories of that catastrophe
make us even more acutely aware of the devastating potential of nuclear arsenals
today. As we begin this fifth decade of the nuclear age, the attitudes of
nuclear-weapon States towards the possession and use of their nuclear weapons
have not undergone any basic change. There is a wide gap between public fears of
a nuclear war and the calculations of statesmen and strategists of the efficacy of
the nuclear balance of terror. Ever increasing expenditures are being undertaken
for the qualitative development of weapons. New generations of weapon systems
have come into existence and the militarisation of outer space appears imminent.
Indeed a whole range of new strategic concepts are being built which seek to
smother any sense of moral outrage that humanity may feel over the politics of
nuclear confrontation among the most powerful States of the world.

All nations stand to suffer to a greater or lesser degree from the impact of the
arms race. No one can predict with certainty the devastation that would be caused
by a nuclear war. When the immediate effects of the blast and fire are combined
with the long-term effects of the fall-out, the erosion of the ozone layer and the
damage to all our planetary life support systems, it is clear that another world war
might well bring an end to human history.

It is time for us to go the roots of our predicament. If the States most responsible
for creating this threat are as yet unprepared to suggest urgent measures for
preventing the outbreak of a nuclear war, others should take the lead. There is
clearly today a rising tide of protest all around the world against the wasteful and
dangerous arms race. The political climate generated by the spontaneous popular
movements against the accretion of armaments against the testing of nuclear
weapons and against the use of science and technology for purposes inconsistent
with humanitarian principles, makes it imperative for us to take bold action now.

The tendency towards the legitimisation of nuclear weapons should be reversed.
The process of reduction of nuclear arsenals should be commenced as the only way
to build up confidence and trust among States. A commitment by leaders of the
major nuclear-weapon States to follow a path of arms limitation rather than arms
build-up is the need of the hour. The evolution of healthy national societies in the
world can only be ensured if the pervasive influence of an armaments culture,
particularly of a nuclear armaments culture, is curbed and the massive
expenditure now being directed towards perfecting and modernizing the
instruments of war is channelled towards securing more equitable and better
conditions of livelihood for the peoples of the world. Even a token reduction in
arms expenditure can produce dramatic results if channellized into the
development of the less affluent sections of the world. In this context we welcome
the convening of the International Conference on the Relationship between
Disarmament and Development next year.

We have welcomed the resumption of negotiations in Geneva between the United
States and the USSR on a complex of questions concerning space and nuclear arms,
to be considered and resolved in their interrelationship, with the declared
objective of working towards the complete elimination of nuclear arms
everywhere. All nations have a stake in the success of the Geneva negotiations and
it is, therefore, with some concern that we note that these talks have not
produced any concrete results so far. We hope that the forthcoming summit
meeting between the leaders of the two countries will give a significant impetus to
this process.

I should like at this stage to refer to the Delhi Declaration issued at the end of the
meeting of the Heads of State or Government of Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico,
Sweden and Tanzania who, in January this year, issued a fervent appeal to the
nuclear- weapon States to halt all testing, production and deployment of nuclear
weapons and their delivery systems, to be followed by substantial reduction in
their nuclear forces. The Delhi Declaration specified two steps for special
attention-the prevention of an arms race in outer space and the early conclusion
of a comprehensive test ban treaty. These leaders from five continents called for a
continuing programme of arms reduction leading to general and complete
disarmament accompanied by measures to strengthen the United Nations system
and to ensure the urgently needed transfer of substantial resources from the arms
race to economic and social development.

In determining our international political and economic policies we, the
non-aligned countries have consistently refused to tailor our responses to the
dictates of cold-war predispositions. We do not mortgage our decisions to foreign
dictates. We do not seek confrontation. But we urge the necessity of change as the
key to the transformation of the world community. India does not believe,
however, that such a transformation can be achieved merely by resort to strident
rhetoric or by destructive criticism. The test for the international community
consists in managing change by peaceful and co-operative means recognizing the
objective imperatives of our situation in the present-day world. Therefore, we
seek the widest co-operation of all nations of the world. But we ask that such
co-operation be based on equality, justice and a genuine recognition of our mutual
interdependence.

As nations subjected to colonial domination and racial discrimination we stand
firmly committed to the complete elimination of the pernicious practice of
apartheid or racism in any form. The situation in Southern Africa is an affront to
the conscience of mankind. The policies of apartheid of the racist regime in
Pretoria constitute a source of tension, instability and conflict, endangering both
regional and international peace and security. The recent tragic developments in
South Africa, as a result of the fresh wave of terror and repression unleashed by
the racist regime following its imposition of a state of emergency, testify to
Pretoria's determination to continue its reprehensive policies. Mr. Botha's
statement in Durban of 15 August provided ample proof, if proof were indeed
needed, that Pretoria remains wedded to apartheid, that it will continue to turn a
deaf ear to the legitimate aspirations of the oppressed majority in South Africa
and to the voice of the entire international community, that it will persist in its
attempts to divide the struggling majority in South Africa, and that it will show no
scruple in killing, maiming and detaining arbitrarily those who dare raise their
voice in protest.

Recent events make it clear, at the same time, that the people of South Africa will
not be cowed into submission. As the special communique on South Africa, adopted
by the non-aligned countries at their recent ministerial Conference in Luanda,
stated: "The countdown to the collapse of apartheid has started in earnest". We
call once again for the immediate and unconditional release of Nelson Mandela
and other valiant freedom fighters under detention. We are convinced that the
struggle for a United, democratic and non- fragmented South Africa will, before
long, find culmination in final victory. We reiterate to our brothers and sisters in
South Africa the assurances of our total solidarity and support.

Equally, our hearts go out to the suffering people of Namibia who have now
completed a century under oppressive colonial occupation. The same abhorrent
regime that persecutes its own people persists in its illegal occupation of Namibia,
now close to two decades after the United Nations assumed direct responsibility
over the Territory. The attempts by that regime to set up another puppet
administration in Namibia through the so-called Multi- Party Conference, have met
with the universal contempt and repudiation that they deserve. The Extraordinary
Ministerial Meeting of the Coordinating Bureau of the Non-Aligned Movement on
Namibia, held in New Delhi from 19 to 21 April this year, reaffirmed the clear and
consistent support of the Non-Aligned Movement for the cause of Namibia and set
out a concrete Programme of Action to advance that cause. During that historic
meeting, India took an important step forward by according full diplomatic status
to the representative of the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) in
New Delhi, thereby reaffirming its firm support for the Namibian cause. The United
Nations Security Council, convened in response to the call made by the non-aligned
countries at New Delhi, has once again called for the immediate and unconditional
implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which constitutes the
only basis for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. Once again, South
Africa has spurned that call. It is incumbent on the Council to meet again.

It is clear that South Africa could not have persisted in its defiance of the will of
the international community for so long but for the diplomatic and moral support
and the wide-ranging collaboration in the economic, military, nuclear and other
fields that it has been receiving from its friends and allies. The pursuit of
apartheid, the occupation of Namibia, and the repeated acts of aggression against
independent African States, jointly and severally, all constitute threats to peace.
Yet the Security Council has, time and again, been paralysed into inaction on
account of vetoes cast by one or more of its permanent members against
mandatory measures aimed at the total isolation of South Africa. The Pretoria
regime is beyond persuasion. Clearly, policies such as those of "constructive
engagement" have failed. Comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter Vll
of the United Nations Charter are the only answer. Meanwhile, States have a moral
duty to sever all links with Pretoria. The recent upsurge of public opinion in many
parts of the world for more resolute action against South Africa is a welcome
development. My country is proud to have led the way in 1946, when we became
the first to voluntarily impose comprehensive sanctions against South Africa.

Nearer to our own shores, the destabilising and escalating great-Power military
presence in the Indian Ocean causes us great concern. Only the elimination of such
presence can enable the nations of the area to shape their own destinies without
hindrance or military tutelage from beyond their territorial boundaries. The 1971
Declaration adopted by the United Nations laid down the objective of a zone of
peace in the Indian Ocean which is universally supported by all non-aligned States
of the region. These States now call for the early convening in 1986 of a
conference on the Indian Ocean in Colombo in order to achieve the realization of
the objectives of the Declaration. The participation of all the great Powers at such
a conference is crucial, indeed indispensable, to its success. The presence of
military bases, command structures and other forms of military presence against
the express wishes of the countries of the area only add to the tensions already
prevailing in the Indian Ocean littoral and should be progressively reduced and
eliminated.

Meanwhile, in our own neighbourhood, the countries of South Asia have embarked
on a process of regional co-operation which holds out significant prospects for the
betterment of our peoples. It is important that these developments are not
adversely affected by the political and military factors involving the introduction
of sophisticated arms serving external strategic interests. As we have repeatedly
stressed, it is necessary that the existing thresholds are not crossed or new
elements of controversy introduced which could adversely affect the security
environment in our neighbourhood. We, for our part, are committed to promoting
good neighbourliness and harmonious relations in the area. It is in this spirit that
we look forward to the first summit meeting of the South Asia Regional
Cooperation organization in December this year in Dhaka.

Our solidarity with the struggle of the Palestinian people under the leadership of
the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to secure the establishment of an
independent State in Palestine and the return of the Palestinian and Arab
territories occupied by Israel has been a well-recognised plank in the non-aligned
platform. The plight of the Palestinians today is indeed one of the supreme
tragedies of history. Few people have been more systematically brutalized,
oppressed or humiliated in their own lands. The dispersal of the heroic Palestinians
Will not weaken their will to fight for their inalienable rights. Nor will it bring
peace to the area. Occupation of land belonging to its neighbours will not
guarantee Israel its security. There is now an increasing understanding of the fact
that no comprehensive solution of the problem in the Middle East is attainable
without the active involvement of the PLO, the sole and authentic representative
of the Palestinian people. A comprehensive solution of the question can only be
achieved by a forward-looking approach based on a recognition of the realities of
the Palestinian right to an independent State and the right of all the States of the
region to live in peace within secure international frontiers. Any such solution
must comprise the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab
territories occupied since 1967 and the exercise by the Palestinian people of their
inalienable national and human rights, including the right to establish an
independent State in their homeland. The situation does not brook delay.

We underscore once again the importance of the early convening of the proposed
international conference on peace in the Middle East, under the auspices of the
United Nations and with the participation of all parties concerned, for securing a
comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the region in accordance with
well-established principles. India is ready to extend its full support and
co-operation in this connection, and is appreciative of the efforts being
undertaken by the Secretary-General.

The tragic conflict between Iran and Iraq, two valued members of the non-aligned
fraternity, continues to be a matter of concern and anguish. India, along with
other non- aligned countries, has taken repeated initiatives to resolve this
conflict. Our efforts continue, along with the efforts of the Secretary-General and
others.

In spite of the valiant efforts of the Contadora group to bring about a peaceful
negotiated solution to the problems in Central America, the situation in the region
continues to be marked by instability, tension and conflict. Policies of interference
and intervention and the threat of the use of force imperil peace and security in
the region, complicating its serious social and economic problems. The
Government and the people of Nicaragua live under constant threat, harassment
and intimidation. The problems of Central America can be resolved only by
peaceful means, through political dialogue and negotiation. The Contadora group
must intensify its efforts to overcome the obstacles in its bid to bring lasting peace
to the region. We are distressed by the last-minute impediments which prevented
the signing of the revised draft Contadora Act for Peace and Co-operation in
Central America of 7 September 1984. However, we have noted with satisfaction
the presentation of a further revised draft, following the meeting in Panama
earlier this month. It is our earnest hope that the meeting of plenipotentiaries
scheduled for next month will finally pave the way for durable peace to return to
this troubled part of the world. The endeavours of the newly constituted Lima
group will no doubt strengthen Contadora's hand.

We have always affirmed the inadmissibility of interference in the internal affairs
of States, as also of the introduction of foreign troops into any country. The
situation in South-West Asia can be resolved only through an overall political
settlement based on the principles set out in the New Delhi Declaration. India's
own efforts have been directed towards this end. We support the sovereignty,
independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Afghanistan. We have
closely followed the efforts of the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General, which deserve the fullest support of all concerned.

Tension, conflict and instability afflict other parts of the world, including
South-East Asia. Cyprus continues to face travail and threats to its sovereignty,
independence, unity, territorial integrity and non-aligned status. Tension continues
to prevail in the Mediterranean, the South Atlantic and the Pacific region.

Colonialism, as I observed earlier, persists in its most virulent form in Namibia. In
other parts of the world as well, the task of decolonisation remains incomplete. In
this twenty-fifth year of the United Nations Declaration on decolonisation, tribute
is due to the commendable role the United Nations has played in the field of
decolonisation. We must also reaffirm our resolve to eliminate the colonial
phenomenon altogether.

The world economic environment continues to cause grave concern. At the
Seventh Summit Conference of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in March
1983, our Heads of State or Government stressed that:

"the international community cannot be assured of durable peace so long as the
economic disparities between nations are widening".

The Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries, meeting at Luanda earlier this
month, were constrained to point out that the world economic situation had not
improved since 1983.

The limited and fragile recovery achieved in some of the industrialised countries,
whose spread has remained uneven even amongst them, is now faltering, because
it has been based on unsustainable macro-economic policies. The projections for
the rate of growth of the economies of industrialised countries for 1985 and 1986
remain low. The 1985 rate of growth may not exceed 2.8 per cent; it may well be
lower.

At the same time, the economies of the developing countries remain under heavy
pressure. Their overall growth rates remain well below levels which would offset
population growth, let alone secure development gains. Combined with the
severities of the adjustment process which marked the first three years of this
decade, this decline in growth rates has brought into sharp focus the constraints on
their economies, threatening wider social and political strife. The developing
countries have been making adjustments without any parallel improvement in the
world economic environment and in the face of serious resource constraints, the
growing menace of an increasingly intolerable debt burden, reverse transfer of
financial resources and intensifying protectionist barriers against their exports to
developed countries. Against this background, the weakening of the commitment
to the spirit of international economic co-operation and an erosion of the
multilateral system is a deeply disturbing trend. It is paradoxical that this should
be happening when there is an increasingly wider recognition that the world
economy has become more interdependent, calling for a greater need to sustain
and further the international consensus in favour of development.

We have also seen with growing concern the increasing resort to bilateralism or
selective multilateralism with the adoption of policies and practices which run
counter to the agreed goals and objectives of international economic
co-operation. This is a negation of the consensus which the developed countries
themselves had helped to achieve.

It is apparent that the prevailing international economic crisis cannot be explained
away as a cyclical phenomenon. It has its origin in structural inadequacies which
have been working to the particular detriment of the developing countries. It calls
for a fundamental review of the existing structures.

It is essential that the international community renew at this fortieth anniversary
session its commitment to the resumption of international negotiations with the
objective of stimulating world economic recovery and ensuring sustained growth,
particularly of developing countries. This requires in particular an integrated
approach in the interrelated areas of money, finance, debt and trade, and a
restructuring of international economic relations.

The Luanda Ministerial Conference of the Non-Aligned Countries reaffirmed the
strategies for international economic negotiations adopted by the Seventh Summit
at New Delhi. The Conference also defined a framework for the commencement of
a dialogue.

I would like to suggest that our immediate efforts should concentrate on the
following:

First, rectifying through appropriate measures and actions the "inadequacies and
malfunctioning" of the international monetary and financial system.

Secondly, the adoption of policies and actions to implement the agreements on
rollback and standstill with a widening of the access to exports from developing
countries and the removal of all infringements on principles, rules and regulations
of the international trading system.

Thirdly, the adoption of methodologies which would ensure multilateral
co-ordination of macro-economic policies pursued by developed countries and the
placing of their monetary and financial policies within the purview of international
discipline.

Fourthly, the increase of financial flows to the developing countries, in particular
concessional flows to the low-income countries.

Fifthly, making the international adjustment process symmetrical and equitable.

I would also like to propose that during this session high-level discussions be
undertaken to achieve understandings that would commence the process for the
convening of an International Conference on Money and Finance for Development.

The critical economic situation in Africa and the drought and famine conditions
have evoked a spontaneous response from the international community, including
many non-aligned countries. The leaders of the African countries at the
twenty-eighth Summit Conference of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) have
adopted a bold and courageous declaration in which they have expressed Africa's
determination to deal with the challenge of development. It is incumbent on the
international community fully to support their efforts. As a token of solidarity, the
Non-aligned Movement has adopted a Plan of Action. India has, on its own part,
made a contribution of 100,000 tons of wheat, followed by another contribution of
$US 10 million to the OAU Special Fund. Under the Plan of Action, India has already
identified nine agricultural projects in Africa. Our participation in these projects,
which is in an advanced stage of preparation, shall assist in priority areas for the
rehabilitation of the agricultural infrastructure. The efforts by India that I have
mentioned are additional to the bilateral programme that my country has on an
ongoing basis with the African countries as a part of which a large number of
African experts are undergoing training in Indian institutions, and Indian experts
are working in several areas with their African brethren in African countries. This,
too, is a contribution to the priority areas of socio-economic development in
Africa.

As one of the original signatories of the United Nations Charter, India has remained
steadfast in its commitment to the values and ideals enshrined therein. To quote
once again the words of India's first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, from
a speech he made in 1946 even before we attained our independence:

"Towards the United Nations, India's attitude is that of whole-hearted co-operation
and unreserved adherence, in both spirit and letter, to the Charter governing it.
To that end, India will participate fully in its various activities and actively play
that role in its Councils to which her geographical position, population and
contribution towards peaceful progress entitle her."

By the same token, the United Nations and its system of specialized agencies have
been a valued partner for India in the task of nation building and economic
development. For the assistance and co-operation that the United Nations has
given us, we are deeply grateful. That, however, is not the only vindication of the
trust, hope and confidence that we repose in the United Nations. The importance
and utility of the United Nations for us, for the non-aligned and other developing
countries, indeed for the entire international community, is to be measured not
only by the material assistance the United Nations provides in bettering the quality
of life on this planet, but by the higher and more noble aspirations of humanity
embodied in this remarkable institution. The greatest tribute that we can pay to
the United Nations on this occasion is therefore to rededicate ourselves to the
Purposes and Principles of the Charter and to reaffirm our commitment to give
them full effect. As this Assembly proclaimed last year, let 1985 "mark the
beginning of an era of durable global peace and justice, social and economic
development and progress and independence for all peoples". We hope indeed that
we are on the threshold of such an era.

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