24th Session
1775th Plenary Meeting, 2nd October, 1969

Speech by Mr. Dinesh Singh

I should like first of all to offer our congratulations on the election of the
honourable Angie Brooks of Liberia to the Presidency of this twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly. It is a fitting tribute to her long association with this Organization, and to her particular dedication to the cause of freedom of the colonial peoples. We have every hope that under her wise guidance this Assembly will make rapid progress on the many important items of the present and the future.

I should also like to pay a tribute to the memory of her distinguished predecessor, the late Mr. Emilio Arenales, who presided over the twenty-third session of the General Assembly with such courage and purpose. His untimely death is a great loss to his country, to the Latin American States and the United Nations.

Our distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant, who has become, through the years, the repository of the conscience of humanity, is carrying a heavy burden with faith and fortitude. His role as peacemaker is difficult and delicate and yet he has persevered relentlessly. We can do no less than to assure him of our co-operation and support for all that he is doing to uphold the Charter.

A full hundred years ago today, a light was lit in a small coastal town in India. Within its life-span its brilliance reached the dark corners in every land. It became the symbol of hope for the down-trodden everywhere. Today, we in India and millions of people all over the world celebrate the centenary of the birth of Mahatma Gandhi. As I speak to this august Assembly, the thought uppermost in my mind is his message for his countrymen, for the peoples of the world and for generations yet unborn. It is a message of peace and co-operation.

The Mahatma demonstrated to us by his deeds that man is capable of rising above his baser self to a plane that befits his calling. Even while he fought the inequities of a powerful colonial Power that subjugated his motherland, he never let bitterness and prejudice envelop us.

Gandhiji set for us exacting standards. He wanted us to be tolerant, non-violent and generous in our everyday life. We do not claim that we have lived up to his precepts. We have faltered many a time, even recently. But nobody can accuse us of not earnestly trying to follow the path set for us.

Permit me to say that those of us who saw this man in flesh and blood, who were inspired by his soft voice calling us to action, feel that this great Organization could experience by his life-work and use some of his methods to combat the horde of problems that beset the world community today.

It is significant that the three causes for which the Mahatma struggled
non-violently throughout his life were: first, elimination of racial, social and religious discrimination, second, freedom from colonial subjugation of his own people and others in different lands, and third, liquidation of poverty and ignorance.

The Charter of the United Nations, which was fashioned and drafted for the post-war world and in Gandhi's life-time, concerns itself with all the three: discrimination, decolonisation, and economic development benefiting underprivileged everywhere.

Shri Jawaharlal Nehru, our first Prime Minister, sought to reaffirm the Gandhian doctrine and to give form and content to it in his policy of peaceful coexistence. He proceeded on the basis that freedom not fear, faith not doubt, confidence not suspicion can lead to friendly relations between States in a world riven by conflict.

When he addressed this Assembly nine years ago he drew attention to the fact that the propagation of this concept was no empty idealism since, in practical terms, the choice before the world was to co-operate or perish.

The adherence of all of us to the United Nations Charter commits us to the principles of peaceful co-existence between States with different social and political systems; respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of one another; non- interference in the internal affairs of each other; denial of the fruits of aggression to the aggressor; respect for fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person. Yet, we see these noble ideas trampled upon in the march of nations towards narrow selfish goals. Has the time, therefore, not come when we should reaffirm our-commitment to these obligations and make a declaration which will have, one hopes, binding force?

The Prime Minister of India, Shrimati Indira Gandhi, speaking in this Assembly in 1968, said:

"Two years hence, in 1970, the United Nations will complete 25 years. Can we make it a year of peace? A starting point of a united endeavour to give mankind the blessings of a durable peace?" [1693rd meeting, pare. 177.]

Can we not ensure that during this period we begin to reduce expenditure on armaments and can we not also ensure that a credible declaration for the renunciation of force in settling disputes is made during this year?

Gandhiji believed that truth and non-violence could bring peace, not only to individuals but also to nations and the international community. More than 31 years ago he wrote:

"Not to believe in the possibility of permanent peace is to disbelieve the godliness of human nature... If the recognized leaders of mankind who have control over engines of destruction, work wholly to renounce their use, with full knowledge of its implications, permanent peace can be obtained... If even one great nation were unconditionally to perform the supreme act of renunciation, many of us would see in our lifetime durable peace established on earth."

Peace, renunciation of force, respect for international law, these cannot be mere slogans. They need to be given substance through greater co-operation in practical everyday international life.

Unfortunately this co-operation has been lacking so far. While every opportunity is taken to make good pronouncements, the will to implement them is conspicuously absent. We have heard, in this Assembly, many intentions expressed, declarations made and resolutions passed. But we have noted with great disappointment the lack of enthusiasm in putting those intentions into action. Disenchantment with the whole process of our way of working in this Organization is growing. On the eve of the twenty- fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations we have to give serious thought so that this attitude of despair is turned into one of hope. We have, therefore, to devise effective means of implementing our declarations.

We are, even today, continuing to deal with some of the problems which were with us when the United Nations was born. The racist policies of South Africa, rampant and oppressive colonialism of the Portuguese in Angola and Mozambique as well as in other Territories, the racist oppression and reactionary exploitation of the people of Zimbabwe by a white minority and the lack of progress in the liberation of Namibia are amongst such problems.

It is a terror of might and blackmail by means of sophisticated weapons that is helping to keep the African peoples in the southern part of Africa under racial and colonial subjugation. This situation causes us great anguish, more so because it was there that Mahatma Gandhi first preached and practised non-violence in the struggle against racial discrimination, colonial oppression and violation of human rights.

The United Nations Charter contains within itself the means for dealing with these problems. If this has not been achieved so far it is because those Member States of this Organization, which are in a position to bring about a solution of these problems, have been evasive in their response to the appeals and demands of the international community. They have voted for, and supported, various resolutions in these halls of the United Nations, against the racist and the colonialist policies. But at the same time, they have stopped short of taking effective action to implement these very resolutions. Perhaps their attempt is to persuade the international community that the problems faced by the peoples of the southern part of Africa are beyond solution. We cannot agree with them. This last stronghold of prejudice, reaction and colonialism must be made to surrender to the work of this august Assembly and to conform to the objectives of the United Nations Charter.

In Asia, too, we see conflicts which have persisted from the days of the founding of this great Organization. I refer specially to Viet-Nam and to West Asia.

There has been no lack of appreciation of the desire to achieve peace in Viet-Nam. But to what extent has this desire been translated into action? The stopping of bombing by the United States of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam has enabled talks to take place in Paris to find a peaceful solution. The next steps have now to be taken. All parties to that disputes agree that the people of Viet-Nam should be left free to determine their own destiny, and no one seems to hold a brief for keeping foreign forces in that land. The first step to be taken is the immediate cessation of hostilities. Thereafter, necessary arrangements have to be made for the withdrawal of foreign troops to enable the people of Viet-Nam to decide their future, free from foreign interference. This process can be carried out effectively only if arrangements which inspire the confidence of all parties concerned can be established. It would, therefore, seem necessary to have a Government which is adequately representative to command the confidence and the support of all sections of the people. Such a Government would be in a position in Viet-Nam to supervise the withdrawal of foreign forces and prepare for holding fair elections. To facilitate this process for bringing peace to Viet- Nam the international community should pledge its full co-operation and support.

I cannot conclude these brief remarks on the situation in that country without paying a tribute to the late Dr. Ho Chi Minh, in whose death Asia has lost an indomitable soldier for freedom.

In the Middle East, Israel continues to be in possession of large areas of territory it overran by force in June 1967. The human problem of large numbers of Arab refugees is an element in that tangled situation to which we must not and cannot close our eyes.

Almost two years ago, on 22 November 1967, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 242(1967). The Security Council and its permanent members have a special responsibility to ensure the faithful implementation of the 22 November resolution.

The first thing should have been not to permit the aggressor to retain the fruit of his aggression and use it as a means of bargaining. However, we are given to understand that in the interest of a mutual adjustment, a wider solution of the Middle Eastern problem is being attempted. Even so, there is no movement towards a peaceful solution, and hostilities continue to flare up from time to time, with even more dangerous consequences.

Further more, there is an unfortunate attempt by some interested parties to give religious overtones to a problem that is essentially political. This could only play into the hands of those who wish to confuse the issues in the Middle East and fan religious emotions, making the quest for an objective political settlement even more difficult.

My Government has welcomed the initiative of the permanent members of the Security Council to engage in negotiations amongst themselves on this question. We have no desire to prejudge or to prejudice the outcome of those efforts, especially as those efforts continues to be made, albeit at a leisurely pace. We feel, however, that the responsibility cannot be that of the permanent members of the Security Council alone. All States Members of the United Nations have a collective responsibility in all such matters.

I have just referred to the trouble spots of the world where the return of peace must become an international responsibility. However, a serious threat to international peace and security today stems from the spiralling arms race. This race is entering a new stage, both in terms of sophistication of armaments and expenditure involved. There is a systematic attempt to widen progressively the gap between the military Powers and the weaker nations. Concentration of enormous power in the hands of a few nations is leading to a division of the world into spheres of influence, in which might alone becomes right in the relationships between States. It is imperative that this drift towards a new and unequal balance of power be halted and reversed. It is the responsibility of all peace-loving States, particularly the non-aligned ones, which are adversely affected by the emergence of new power patterns, to restore the balance. They must seek to widen the scope of international co-operation based on the sovereign equality of all nations.

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] represents an effective demonstration of the latest trends in relations between States. That Treaty is as unequal as it is ineffective. It cannot contribute in any way to a balanced process of disarmament, on which alone the security of nations can depend. We have, on a matter of principle, rejected the validity of an instrument which seeks to bind the hands of the powerless and to licence the further accumulation of armaments by those whose stockpiles threaten our very existence. It is for this reason that we remain unable to sign the Treaty.

That unequal Treaty has become even more unacceptable, because of an attempt on the part of the big Powers to modify assurances of security, implicit under the provisions of the Charter, to those who do not subscribe to the Treaty. These new tactics are symptomatic of the growing tendency to make power and might the basis of international relations. It also represents the increasing attempts to settle questions of war and peace outside the forum of United Nations. We cannot be a party to the weakening of the basic tenets of the Charter and to the whittling down of the inherent responsibility of Member States. This serious situation can be solved only by increasing our co-operation so that a more scrupulous adherence is obtained for the provisions of the Charter.

Domination and exploitation continue to be a normal feature of international life because of a toleration of the persistence of inequality. It is this approach which requires to be overhauled. It is only enlightened economic co-operation on a global scale that can set a new process in motion and contribute to a more durable peace and stability.

It is not enough for those of us who belong to the developing world merely to expose the hypocrisy and hollowness of the assertions of the developed countries that they are straining very muscle to give us help, when they are not prepared even to respect, in practice, the commitments which they make year after year through resolutions sponsored in the various forums of the United Nations. The time has come for us to indicate frankly and clearly what are the responsibilities of the developing and the developed.

I had the privilege of presenting the report of the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to the twenty-third session of the General Assembly [1708th meeting]. Since then the Trade and Development Board has met in Geneva in its eighth and ninth sessions. I said then that the eyes of the world were fixed on results we might be able to obtain from the continuing machinery. Those very eyes, I fear, have witnessed the futility of the ninth session. I therefore ask myself, and I also venture to put this question to this Assembly: what has gone wrong with the developmental process and with the climate for international economic co-operation?

To aggravate matters further, there is a growing tendency to detract from the importance of the basic objectives and put emphasis on palliatives. In spite of a reasonably thorough identification of the problems of development through numerous studies, there is an attempt to initiate new studies and reviews, in a vain attempt to gain more time and to evolve a plausible philosophy for the present state of stagnation and withdrawal. The effective multilateral agencies are progressively failing to reflect the collective will of the international community. Instead, efforts are being made to base such activities on unilateral and at times even paternalistic patterns of providing assistance.

To my mind, the basic cause for widespread disenchantment with international co-operation lies in the deliberately exaggerated dichotomy between the responses and interests of the affluent and the poorer nations. Contrary to the facts of economic history, people in positions of power have come to believe that the process of transmission of growth impulses is unilateral or irreversible. One has only to reflect on the rise and fall of nations to come to the conclusion that such a belief is totally unwarranted. Some of the centres of economic power today have derived their present strength and their present potential for transmitting growth from the investment and the skills that flowed to them, when not so long ago they were not in such a happy position. This process cannot but repeat itself in the case of the developing countries which are striving to break the vicious circle in which they find themselves enmeshed by the accident of history, and through the operation of an economic order erected on a very narrow base.

In the developed world, the inevitability of rapid change has yet to dawn on those entrusted with the reins of authority. We need to remind ourselves that when we launched the First United Nations Development Decade and when we approved the Final Acts of the Geneva and New Delhi Conferences of UNCTAD, we committed ourselves to the establishment of a new and dynamic international economic relationship and to the achievement of a new world economic order. The
fulfilment of this commitment requires not only determined efforts and
perseverance but also imagination and courage of conviction. We will be judged harshly by history if we do not display these qualities at this crucial moment on the eve of the launching of the Second United Nations Development Decade.

We have been conscious of the fact that the primary responsibility for the development of developing countries rests on themselves.

In Asia, Africa and Latin America a beginning has been made, however modest, to advance the objective of co-operation between developing countries and to prove that they do not intend to spare their own efforts but are serious in carrying out the recommendations of the Algiers Charter and the second session of UNCTAD.1 The real security of the developing countries can be ensured only if they are able to develop their own strength, vitality and vigour; secure for their people economic and social gains and foster the habit of meeting together to pursue common objectives.

In Asia we are attempting to evolve a strategy for integrated development of regional economic co-operation which represents a well-co-ordinated attack on the manifold problems and deficiencies in Asia. The move has been made to provide an Asian answer to Asian problems. What Asia needs today is not military pacts but economic co- operation.

Regional economic co-operation, and particularly socio-economic resurgences in Asia can, in the ultimate analysis, be sustained only on the basis of better utilization of Asian resources and a more even distribution of wealth and opportunities within our respective societies. We, in India, have not flinched from taking decisions which alone can ensure that the wealth of the nation is utilized for the welfare of all its peoples without distinction. We have been trying resolutely to work in the context of the phenomenon of rising expectations. In so far as our society is concerned, we have, in the two decades of our independence, tried to organize ourselves in a manner to ensure that the response of our socio-economic structure to the demands on it are quick, unequivocal and progressive.

We have also attempted to forge closer economic relations with our neighbours and, indeed, with other Asian countries represented on the Council of Ministers for Asian Economic Co-operation. Significant arrangements have already been concluded with some countries. More are under negotiation. It is our hope that all Asian countries will respond favourably to these efforts for co-operation and that we shall receive the necessary assistance from others so that we will be able to establish in Asia, torn by conflicts for centuries, new associations of co-operation based on equality and friendship.

There are a number of items on the agenda and we shall naturally express our views on them when they come up for discussion. Here I have spoken of colonialism in Africa and the conflicts in the tortured continent of Asia because these concern us directly. I have spoken of the socio-economic resurgence of Asia because we are involved in it. I have spoken of economic development because we are a part of it. I have also spoken of the arms race and the attempts that are being made to carve out spheres of influence in our world. I have talked of the United Nations and its role in the field of international relations. I have drawn my inspiration for all this from the message of Gandhi for our own generation and for generations to come. Permit me to end my speech by quoting a statement made by Mahatma Gandhi to the representatives of a resurgent Asia at the Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi, 10 months before his martyrdom. He said that the world "is despairing of a multiplication of atom bombs, because the atom bombs mean utter destruction". He went on to say: "It is up to you to tell the world of its wickedness and sin-that is the heritage your teachers and my teachers have taught Asia." This was the reaffirmation of his belief which he expressed thus:

"My nationalism is fierce but not exclusive and not devised to hurt any nation or individual. India's freedom as conceived by me can never be a menace to the world. The whole of my country may die so that the human race may live."

It is in this spirit that we shall endeavour to work.


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